Pakistan and Turkiye Deploy Forces to Saudi Arabia as Mecca Pact Takes Effect Against Houthis
The Mecca Joint Defense Agreement, signed in August by Saudi Arabia, Pakistan, and Turkiye, has moved from a political framework to an operational reality. At an emergency meeting
The Mecca Joint Defense Agreement, signed in August by Saudi Arabia, Pakistan, and Turkiye, has moved from a political framework to an operational reality. At an emergency meeting in Riyadh on Monday, the pact's Strategic Political and Defense Committee agreed to activate collective deterrence measures and deploy Pakistani and Turkish forces to the kingdom. The decision comes as Saudi Arabia backs a major offensive against Yemen's Houthis, marking the first practical implementation of the trilateral security arrangement since it was signed more than two months ago.
According to a joint statement released by Pakistan's Foreign Office, the committee decided to "move immediately to the practical implementation of the collective defense commitments" and to take necessary measures for providing agreed military forces and capabilities with rapid deployment in the kingdom. The statement, however, did not specify the size, composition, or precise role of the forces being deployed, leaving significant ambiguity about the scope of the mission.
Saudi-led coalition spokesperson Major General Turki al-Malki disclosed that 100 fighter jets are supporting a Yemeni government counteroffensive aimed at retaking territory seized by the Houthis last month. The Houthis had captured control of Yemen's Red Sea coast and a key shipping route in September, prompting a large-scale military response from the Saudi-led coalition and Yemeni government forces.
Hours after the Riyadh meeting concluded, Pakistan's Defence Minister Khawaja Asif provided rare public insight into his country's role. Speaking to Geo News from the Saudi capital on Monday night, Asif confirmed that Pakistani forces are already actively participating in the operation. "The forces of Turkiye and Pakistan are playing a supporting role," he said. "We are definitely involved in reconnaissance and such things, but the combat is practically being conducted by Saudi Arabia's own forces, and they are the ones retaking those areas."
The minister's comments reveal a deliberate division of labor that places Pakistan in a defensive and supporting capacity while Saudi forces lead combat operations. Analysts speaking to Al Jazeera noted that this arrangement raises a critical question Islamabad has not yet answered publicly: how long it can remain on the periphery of actual fighting before being drawn deeper into the conflict.
Pakistan's military footprint in Saudi Arabia is far from new. The country has trained Saudi military personnel since 1967, and a 1982 agreement formalized the deputation of Pakistani troops to the kingdom. A declassified CIA assessment from June 1985 estimated that between 13,000 and 14,000 Pakistanis were serving in the Saudi army at that time, including an armored brigade stationed at Tabuk. During the 1990-91 Gulf War, Pakistan sent a substantial contingent to the kingdom for defensive duties, establishing a precedent for the current deployment.
More recently, Pakistan signed a Strategic Mutual Defence Agreement with Saudi Arabia in September 2025, which treats any aggression against either nation as aggression against both. In April, Riyadh confirmed that a Pakistani force, including fighter and support aircraft, had arrived at King Abdulaziz airbase in the Eastern Province. Despite these deployments, Pakistan has never publicly disclosed the total number of its troops stationed in Saudi Arabia, maintaining a policy of strategic ambiguity.
In September, Lieutenant General Ahmed Sharif Chaudhry, director general of Pakistan's Inter-Services Public Relations, told the Saudi outlet Arab News that Pakistani forces were already deployed to protect the kingdom and its holy sites. "I would like to underscore here the word 'physically,'" Chaudhry stated. "We will go to any extent." The ISPR did not respond to Al Jazeera's request for comment regarding the specific deployment agreed upon in Riyadh this week.
On Tuesday, Pakistan's Ministry of Information reinforced its commitment in a post on X, declaring that the country's dedication to the security of the holy sites and the kingdom is non-negotiable. The ministry also stated that operational details of the collective deterrence implementation are "a matter of operational confidentiality" and should not be subject to media speculation, signaling Islamabad's intent to keep specific military arrangements out of public discourse.
Turkiye's role in the deployment remains considerably less transparent than Pakistan's. While Defence Minister Asif confirmed that Turkish forces are present alongside Pakistani personnel, Ankara has not publicly acknowledged any deployment to Saudi Arabia. Gokhan Ereli, an international relations expert at Istanbul's Ibn Haldun University, told Al Jazeera that "there is no publicly acknowledged standing Turkish deployment in Saudi Arabia." Ereli also pointed to a significant constitutional hurdle: under Article 92 of Turkiye's constitution, the authority to send troops abroad rests with parliament, which has not yet ratified the Mecca pact.
The discrepancy between Turkiye's constitutional requirements and its reported military participation raises questions about the legal framework underpinning its involvement. Without parliamentary ratification, any Turkish deployment would lack formal domestic legal authorization, potentially creating political vulnerabilities for Ankara if the mission expands or casualties occur.
Dania Thafer, executive director of the Gulf International Forum, explained that Riyadh's primary objective is to transform the Mecca Pact from a declaratory political document into a credible military deterrent. "Saudi Arabia is trying to turn the Mecca Pact from a political declaration into a deterrent," she told Al Jazeera. Thafer added that for now, Riyadh chiefly wants Pakistan and Turkiye to help defend Saudi territory while reinforcing its air and missile defense capabilities, signaling that future attacks on the kingdom would no longer be solely a Saudi-Houthi affair.
The Houthis have repeatedly targeted Saudi cities and critical infrastructure, including the East West Pipeline, which Riyadh has relied upon to export oil amid Iranian restrictions on transit through the Strait of Hormuz during the ongoing US-led war. The involvement of two significant military powers in Saudi Arabia's defense architecture thus represents a substantial escalation in the regional security landscape, with potential implications for the broader Middle East conflict.
The Mecca Pact's activation also carries significant implications for Pakistan's longstanding balancing act between its security commitments to Gulf allies and its desire to avoid entanglement in regional conflicts. Islamabad has historically sought to limit its exposure in Yemen, refusing to join the Saudi-led coalition in 2015 despite pressure from Riyadh. The current arrangement, which frames Pakistani involvement as defensive and supportive rather than combat-oriented, appears designed to respect that sensitivity while still honoring the mutual defense commitments codified in the 2025 agreement.
As the Saudi-backed offensive continues and Houthi resistance persists, the durability of Pakistan's self-imposed limits will face increasing scrutiny. If Saudi forces encounter significant setbacks or if Houthi attacks expand to target Pakistani personnel directly, Islamabad could find its defensive posture untenable. Similarly, Turkiye's unreported deployment may force a reckoning with its parliamentary processes if the mission's scope becomes public knowledge.
For Saudi Arabia, the activation of the Mecca Pact represents a strategic bet that multilateral deterrence will prove more effective than unilateral action. By bringing Pakistan's experienced military and Turkiye's advanced defense industry into its security orbit, Riyadh aims to complicate Houthi calculations and signal that attacks on the kingdom carry consequences extending beyond a single bilateral conflict. Whether this strategy succeeds in deterring future attacks or inadvertently escalates regional tensions remains a question with profound implications for the Middle East's volatile security environment.
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